There are aspects of the public career of Bernie Sanders I can admire. At a time when the Bush administration took advantage of America’s patriotic fervor after 9/11 to curtail our civil liberties and plunge us into unnecessary conflict, Sanders voted against the PATRIOT Act and the war in Iraq. I agree with his stances on marijuana legalization and criminal justice reform. To the extent that his economic stances oppose bailouts and subsidies of private enterprises, I’m with him (although his support for the Green New Deal seems to contradict this). I can even admire his resiliency and drive to keep fighting for his cause after his heart attack, an ordeal he lays out in detail in his new book It’s Ok To Be Angry About Capitalism.
It’s too bad the cause he’s fighting for in this book is the destruction of America’s standard of living.
If you believe Sanders, his plans (easily summarized as taxing the wealthy and redistributing it) would lift America out of poverty, as he’s only attacking the “billionaires who should not exist.” Presumably he means their just money, as he decries billionaires spending money on private planes, snorkeling, private islands, and spaceships (he’s really hung up on this one) without sharing their wealth. This Sanders-defined lack of sharing is “destroying millions of lives” as “the vast majority struggle to survive.” Per Sanders, the bottom half of Americans have seen a $900 billion decline in their wealth over the past 30 years, and worker pay increased only 17% from 1979 to 2020. This does not gel with reality. A study by economist William Cline shows real median household income increased slightly over 50% from the late ’60s through 2017 (despite the ’70s stagflation and the 2008 financial crisis) with second-quintile income during the same period rising nearly 40%. A separate study by the Pew Research Center shows similar results from approximately the same time period.
The Pew researchers, Rakesh Kochhar and Stella Sechopoulos, do point out the growth of income inequality, Sanders’ pet issue in this book, as the rich show their income increasing. This runs contrary to a study done by John Early, showing income inequality has decreased over the last 70 years. Regardless of the methodology one prefers, these studies lay waste to the idea that the trend towards more open markets and globalization in the American economy has hurt the working class. Which makes an objective person wonder: is Sanders really that concerned about improving the conditions of the working class, or just driven by an insatiable hatred for the wealthy? Read this book yourself and draw your own conclusions.
Given his progressive politics, it’s not surprising that Sanders is a major proponent of labor unions. I would consider the prospect of joining unions to be a personal choice. Sanders doesn’t believe in the choice aspect of this, decrying right-to-work policies. Credible studies have shown the negative impact on wages union membership has on the overall workforce, along with stark contrasts in job growth between union jobs and non-union jobs within the same industries. As such, I’m highly dubious of the plans Sanders lays out in this book to revitalize labor unions.
As for the Sanders scheme in chapter 7 to forcibly confiscate ownership from stockholders and redistribute a sizable percentage to “workers,” I’m not aware of any point-of-reference in American history to compare such an undertaking to. I recommend reading The Turning Point: Revitalizing the Soviet Economy by Nikolai Shmelev and Vladimir Popov to see how well that type of authoritarianism worked in the Soviet Union.
On top of the bad economics in this book, I question Bernie’s ability to accurately take the pulse of this country. He blames the Republican mid-term victory in 1994 on President Clinton’s embrace of NAFTA, and President Biden’s sinking approval ratings on the inability of Democrats to pass Build Back Better. Does it really make sense that the party that was most aligned (at the time) with NAFTA would be “punished” by taking both houses of Congress? And does it just MAYBE occur to the author that the inevitable inflation that was a consequence of funding the stimulus spending that Sanders proudly takes credit for in this book (resulting in average hourly earnings falling a little over 3% since Biden took office per the Bureau of Labor Statistics) might have had a role in Biden’s growing unpopularity?
The chapter 5 discussion on health care is where Sanders scores a few points. I agree with him that our system is dysfunctional and a lot of the profits are ill-gotten. He cites one example of outrageous costs Americans pay for MRIs compared to other countries. The third-party payer system, entrenched through our tax code and regulatory structure and through government health programs, is the cause of this, which is hardly a free market at work (or “uber-capitalist” to use Bernie’s linguistics). So I agree with Sanders on disentangling health insurance from employment. But according to a report by public radio affiliate WBUR, over 60% of health care spending is publicly financed already, more proof that American health care is not “uber-capitalist.” We already have the perverse outcome of Americans paying a smaller share of our overall health care costs despite paying more out-of-pocket for health care. Does the Sanders “Medicare for All” plan to solidify third-party payment permanently alleviate these issues, or make it worse? Sanders cites examples of smaller countries successfully implementing public universal health care. None of those countries has nearly the size of our population. Nor do those countries ban supplemental private insurance, which Sanders seemingly would, stating “there will be no more ‘private networks.'” So what happens to health care access when providers can’t shift costs to private plans? Sanders doesn’t address this point.
Other small points of agreement: I agree with Sanders that the media focuses too much on personality and gossip over substantive policy debate, and I also agree with him that Operation Warp Speed was one of President Trump’s few accomplishments.
That said, the bulk of It’s Ok To Be Angry About Capitalism uses hyperbole, false data, and faulty logic to present a vision of America just as nightmarish as Trump did with his “American carnage” inaugural address. It’s also just as divorced from reality.